
globalist sense it does). While the Randstad leaves its shadow on the south of the country,
leaving the north with barrenness. This is what Koolhaas called the ‘southern cities’ and the
‘point cities.’ The Randstad gathers the point cities as flourishing anomalies, while the south
gathers the southern cities, which are incorporated to a larger economic agglomeration around
the Rhine valley.
Like Los Angeles, the Randstad has produced the ‘interdictory spaces’ as well. As migration
increases, the racial tension gradually arises in the metropolises. Meanwhile, inequality and
housing crisis have also excluded some people from the most basic need: living. In 1992,
squatting was still legal and IDs were even not enforced. The absence of ID enforcement enabled
more people to access the city, such as taking a free ride of public transportation. However, as
the metropolises are more gentrified, privatized, and commercialized, the rights to city are
threatened to be deprived again. Squatting is made illegal, while the ticket price of NS is among
the highest in western Europe. In addition, the welfare system seems not to outplay the
capitalistic approach. Koolhaas ironically described Bijlmer as the Las Vegas of welfare. The
government provided all the remedies to the migrant-hub in a short time, resulting in an
aesthetically undesirable place somewhat similar to Soja’s ‘Plain of ID,’ a space without identity,
a space with extreme homogeneity. Although everything’s here, everything seemed to remain
unsolved.
While discussing the characteristics of the LA urban structure, Michael Dear also proposed three
other terms, globalization, post-Fordist regime of accumulation, and politics of nature. The
post-Fordist regime refers to the small-scale production incorporated into the economic cluster.
In LA, it was mainly labor-intensive manufacturing and high-tech corporations. There are a
considerable number of tech companies in the Netherlands as well. Nevertheless, being the
global businessman for centuries, the Netherlands gathers a lot of companies for business,
finance, outsourcing, consulting, ect. A lot of alumni of my college went to those firms and they
jokingly refer to their work as ‘vagueness and nonsense.’ As you drive along the A4 highway,
from the periphery to the heart of the Randstad, you could see such corporations spreading over
the land, just like the factories outside LA. Here, globalization and post-Fordist regime of
accumulation are intertwined. People from everywhere gather in the Dutch suburbs, working for
clients all over the world remotely. Dear also mentioned social control when it comes to the
post-Fordist regime of accumulation. In Dutch metropolises, certain communities are founded
on a big company, with which the dwellers bargain for services. The corporate culture, which
secures employment, together with the gentrification as mentioned before, leads to a tender
surrender. Koolhaas would love to categorize the Randstad as generic cities as well, where
urbanism moves toward ‘tropicality’. The confusing term, in my opinion, was elaborated later in
the same chapter: the reality that it’s always climatically ‘sunny’ in generic cities, the only cloud
being people’s anxiety. The Netherlands is notorious for its weather conditions, while it is
common to see relentless parties along the streets after work in a murky, depressing day. Yet the
anxiety due to increasing working hours and other factors is always left behind and overlooked.
The politics of nature can’t be any real here. Just a year ago, angry farmers invaded the urban
Randstad on tractors. Different from the air pollution in LA, the nitrogen crisis is not merely an
ecological problem anymore. It entails a more complex problem of equity and responsibility -